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Nine years after the Brexit referendum, the howls of “surrender” from Britain’s political right over the Labour government’s reset with the EU shows how divisive, and cloaked in misinformation, the issue remains. The agreement is not a massive sellout. Neither is it, in sum, a massive deal. It is, though — like the UK’s recent trade pacts with India and the US — a worthwhile step. Its importance is above all symbolic: the first big UK-wide agreement with the EU since Brexit is a recognition that it is in both sides’ interests to work more closely together.
英国退欧公投九年后，英国工党政府与欧盟重启关系，英国右翼政界对此高呼“投降”，这显示出该议题依旧极具分裂性，并被大量错误信息所笼罩。这项协议并不是一次重大的让步，也不是一项重大的交易。它与英国最近与印度和美国签署的贸易协定一样，是值得肯定的一步。其意义主要在于象征性：这是英国自退欧以来与欧盟达成的首个重大协议，表明双方都认识到更紧密合作符合彼此利益。
Given the clout of Britain’s military and its defence industry, the centrepiece is rightly a security and defence pact that will formalise co-operation in military training and mobility, cyber and space security, resilience of infrastructure and countering hybrid threats. Subject to signing a third-country agreement, the pact paves the way for the UK to take part in the EU’s €150bn Security Action for Europe procurement fund — an important prize for both sides.
鉴于英国军事实力及其国防工业的影响力，协议的核心内容无疑是一项安全与防务协定，该协定将正式确立在军事训练与机动、网络与太空安全、基础设施韧性以及应对混合威胁等方面的合作。在签署第三国协议的前提下，该协定为英国参与欧盟1500亿欧元的“欧洲安全行动”采购基金铺平了道路——这对双方来说都是一项重要的成果。
The pressure on Sir Keir Starmer’s government to cut net immigration means it has only reluctantly agreed to work towards a youth mobility scheme enabling 18- to 30-year-olds to travel and work in each others’ countries. Rebadged as a “youth experience” scheme, this would be time-limited and capped in numbers. It is a desirable goal, however, that would reopen important opportunities for young Britons.
由于面临减少净移民的压力，英国首相基尔•斯塔默爵士(Sir Keir Starmer)领导的政府只是勉强同意推动一项青年流动计划，使18至30岁的年轻人能够在彼此的国家旅行和工作。该计划被重新命名为“青年体验”计划，将设有时间限制和人数上限。然而，这一目标值得追求，因为它将为英国年轻人重新开启重要的机遇。
The economic component of the reset is more limited. But an agreement to work towards a veterinary deal allowing most UK agrifood exports to the EU to happen without cumbersome border checks and paperwork delivers a Labour manifesto commitment. Combined with linking the two sides’ emissions trading systems, the government estimates this will boost Britain’s economy by nearly £9bn by 2040, even if this offsets only a tiny fraction of the overall hit to the economy from Brexit.
重启计划的经济部分较为有限。但如果达成一项兽医协议，使大多数英国农产品能够免去繁琐的边境检查和文书工作出口到欧盟，这将兑现工党的竞选承诺。再加上将双方的碳排放交易体系对接，政府预计，到2040年，这将为英国经济带来近90亿英镑的增长，尽管这仅能抵消英国退欧对整体经济冲击的一小部分。
There are, though, notable trade-offs. Britain is accepting “dynamic alignment”, or automatically following evolving EU rules on plant and animal products, with the European Court of Justice acting as final arbiter here on points of EU law. It is giving EU fishing boats access to UK waters for 12 more years — more than double its original offer.
不过，这其中也有值得注意的权衡。英国接受“动态接轨”，即自动遵循欧盟不断演变的动植物产品规则，由欧洲法院作为欧盟法律问题的最终仲裁者。英国将允许欧盟渔船在12年内进入英国水域，这是其最初提议的两倍多。
Rightwing opposition parties say Britain is thus becoming a rule-taker, betraying key parts of its post-Brexit “independence” and selling out its fishing industry. Yet the vaunted benefits of regulatory divergence from the EU have mostly proved illusory, and the veterinary deal was worth doing. While fishing looms large in the national psyche, it constitutes, on 2021 figures, a mere 0.03 per cent of national output.
右翼反对党表示，英国因此变成了“规则接受者”，背弃了英国退欧后“独立”的关键部分，并出卖了其渔业。然而，与欧盟在监管上分歧所带来的所谓好处大多被证明是虚幻的，而签署兽医协议是值得的。尽管渔业在国民心中占有重要地位，但根据2021年的数据，其产值仅占全国总产出的0.03%。
When Europe is having to shoulder much more of its own defensive burden even as Russia poses an ominous threat, it is regrettable that several EU countries chose to make progress in weightier areas such as defence contingent on UK concessions in such a small industry. But the reality is that as soon as it left the EU, especially via Boris Johnson’s bare-bones Brexit deal, Britain became a demandeur in any future attempt to improve its terms. Contrary to Brexiters’ claims, the smaller party in any trade negotiation always needs the bigger one more than vice versa.
在俄罗斯构成严峻威胁、欧洲不得不承担更多自身防务责任的当下，令人遗憾的是，数个欧盟国家却选择将防务等更重要领域的进展，附加在英国在如此小众产业上的让步之上。但现实是，自从英国脱离欧盟，尤其是通过鲍里斯•约翰逊(Boris Johnson)那份极为简陋的英国退欧协议后，英国在任何未来试图改善自身条件的谈判中都成了需求方。与英国脱欧派的说法相反，在任何贸易谈判中，较小的一方总是比较大的一方更需要对方。
Labour arguably wasted some of the post-election goodwill it enjoyed last year in Brussels, through the paucity of its own ambition and its manifesto red lines insisting on no return to the EU single market, customs union or freedom of movement. Its new reset at least attempts to push up to the limits of some of those red lines. Starmer’s government must now use it as the basis for a more ambitious realignment, over time, with what is still Britain’s most important trade and security partner.
可以说，工党浪费了去年大选后在布鲁塞尔获得的一些好感，因为工党自身的雄心不足，而且其宣言红线坚持不重返欧盟单一市场、关税同盟或行动自由。政府的新一轮重启至少试图突破其中一些红线。斯塔默的政府现在必须以此为基础，随着时间的推移，与英国最重要的贸易和安全伙伴进行更雄心勃勃的调整。